French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy announced after the meeting that the EU 3 (Britain, Germany, and France) would draw up a new proposal, including incentive and punitive mechanisms, to convince Iran to halt its uranium enrichment.
Although Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov expressed strong opposition to dealing with the dispute over Iran’s nuclear program under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, he said of the outcome of the meeting that the 5+1 group intends to enter into direct talks with Tehran over its nuclear dossier, and this includes the United States, too.
The fact that the Westerners are talking about diplomatic solutions and returning to talks while, led by the U.S., they have recently been using harsh language toward Iran shows that Iran’s national resistance to gain access to the complete nuclear fuel cycle has borne fruit.
Thus, it is not necessary for the Islamic Republic to respond harshly to the new situation.
On the one hand, the outcome of the Monday meeting proves that the position of Iran has improved in international calculations, and on the other hand it shows that there is no legal justification to send the country’s nuclear dossier to the Security Council, proving Iran’s nuclear program is not a threat to world peace.
At least the great powers have apparently realized that they must change the 5+1 into the 5+1+1 to address Iran’s nuclear program.
Although Iran should welcome the inclination of the 5+1 to shift the focus from New York to Tehran, it should not consider this the end of the machinations of the White House neoconservatives.
The Islamic Republic should realize that Iran’s newly elevated regional and international status, the serious internal problems of Western countries, Iran’s pivotal role in fossil fuel production, the global energy crisis, and Iran’s full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) were influential in bringing about the change in circumstances. Therefore, the Islamic Republic must avoid hasty and emotional decisions.
From the 5+1 group’s point of view, Iran’s nuclear dossier is currently between the limbo of “total suspension” and “the possibility of political compromise”. If a political compromise is reached, IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei’s reports and the outcome of the Security Council meeting will probably not brand Iran’s peaceful nuclear program as a “serious concern”!
Iran has shown that it is patient and flexible and seeks negotiations to maintain its rights, although it will never forgo its rights.
The fact that Iran voluntarily cooperated with the IAEA as a confidence building gesture for nearly three years shows that Iran favors diplomacy and respects the international community’s concerns over the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
The European Union declared some willingness to accept Iranian uranium enrichment to various levels and even industrial-scale enrichment in spring 2005, especially after the complete start-up of the Uranium Conversion Facility in Isfahan. The EU could now reconsider this, in light of the new situation. Influential figures outside the 5+1 like South African President Thabo Mbeki and even ElBaradei are keen to help in this regard.
If this happens, as a preliminary gesture, the 5+1 should agree to recognize Iran’s nuclear rights according to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and specifically Iran’s right to conduct peaceful nuclear activities in line with Article 4 of the NPT.
In return, Iran can provide guarantees that its nuclear activities will not be diverted toward a weapons program.
Iran’s declared technical activities must continue as planned. Along these lines, starting the new 164-centrifuge cascades could improve Iran’s position in any possible compromises.
The truth is that Russia, Germany, China, France, Britain, and even the United States have been Iran’s nuclear allies, but with a bad record. Iran holds shares in France’s largest uranium enrichment facility, Eurodif. The U.S. and Britain are indebted to Iran for shares of Namibia's Rossing Mine. Iran does not regard China or Germany as trustworthy, either, due to their failure to fulfill their commitments.
In other words, all these countries were or are Iran’s nuclear allies.
However, Iran can still let bygones be bygones, think about renewed cooperation with the six countries, and adopt intelligent and patient stances to secure its nuclear rights.
RS/HG
End
MNA